Summary
Contents
Subject index
The wide range of approaches to data analysis in qualitative research can seem daunting even for experienced researchers. This handbook is the first to provide a state-of-the art overview of the whole field of QDA; from general analytic strategies used in qualitative research, to approaches specific to particular types of qualitative data, including talk, text, sounds, images and virtual data.
The handbook includes chapters on traditional analytic strategies such as grounded theory, content analysis, hermeneutics, phenomenology and narrative analysis, as well as coverage of newer trends like mixed methods, reanalysis and meta-analysis. Practical aspects such as sampling, transcription, working collaboratively, writing and implementation are given close attention, as are theory and theorization, reflexivity, and ethics.
Written by a team of experts in qualitative research from around the world, this handbook is an essential compendium for all qualitative researchers and students across the social sciences.
Conversations and Conversation Analysis
Conversations and Conversation Analysis
Conversation analysis (CA) is more than a methodology. It has become a paradigm in its own right, spanning multiple disciplines, including sociology, psychology and linguistics (Heritage, 2009). Its focus is ‘talk-in-interaction’, a term used to denote language in use by two or more people interacting with each other. This includes non-vocal aspects (like head movements, eye gaze and gesture) as well as interactions that do not use speech, such as British Sign Language (Schegloff, 2006). This focus reflects the recognition that talk-in-interaction is uniquely human and central to human social life (Sidnell, 2010). It is the primary means by which we manage and negotiate our mutual roles, identities and relationships with one another (Drew, 2005). Likewise, the ‘big issues’ of interest to social scientists are managed through various kinds of interaction. As Schegloff (1996a: 4) argues:
Conversational interaction may … be thought of as a form of social organization through which the work of the constitutive institutions of societies gets done … such as the economy, the polity, the family, socialization, etc. It is, so to speak, sociological bedrock.
CA is distinctive for focusing on this ‘bedrock’ in its own right; for studying how, on the one hand, talk-in-interaction works and, on the other, the work that is done through talk-in-interaction. This has necessitated the study of real (recorded) interactions. Although I will touch on some theoretical underpinnings, the chapter is largely dedicated to illustrating the analysis of these kinds of data. I will conclude by considering the limits of this approach as well as some new directions within CA.
Ca's Starting Point: Naturally Occurring, Recorded Interactions
Starting with the data is especially apt for CA because access to specific kinds of data sparked its development. Harvey Sacks, who – together with Emanuel Schegloff and Gail Jefferson – founded CA in the early 1960s, was a Fellow at the Center for the Scientific Study of Suicide in Los Angeles. Consequently, he had access to recorded calls to the Suicide Prevention Center. Today, when mobile phones act as video recorders and we routinely hear that our calls ‘may be recorded for training purposes’, it is difficult to appreciate how significant those recordings were. Then, as Schegloff describes in his introduction to Sacks's (1995: xvii) Lectures on Conversation, Sacks was in the habit of jotting down fragments of talk in a notebook. This reflected his search for a way to study precisely how ‘ordinary activities get done’. When he came across the suicide prevention recordings, he realized they were a tremendous resource because:
I could study it again and again. And also, consequentially, others could look at what I had studied, and make of it what they could, if they wanted to be able to disagree with me. (Sacks, 1995: 622)
Two features of this dataset were profoundly significant for CA's development (see Kitzinger and Toerien, 2009):
- The data were naturally occurring, allowing Sacks to study the phenomenon of interest first hand. The contrast is with data generated for research purposes, such as interviews with people who have called a suicide helpline. These would reveal a great deal about callers' accounts of the service, but not the actual practices occurring within the calls themselves. This methodological shift remains innovative. Even today, interviews and focus groups tend to be the method of choice for qualitative research. Yet researcher-generated data pose some well-recognized difficulties, including the recognition that people, unavoidably, put a ‘slant’ on events when reporting them. This makes it difficult to theorize the relationship between talk about a phenomenon and the phenomenon itself (see Kelle, Chapter 38, this volume). CA avoids this gap by recording the latter (Kitzinger, 2004). This is often taken to mean that CA cannot be used to study interview or focus data. It can. However, conversation analysts treat the data in a distinctive way (see Wilkinson, 2006). The fundamental shift is from thinking of talk as a proxy for, or conduit to, some other event or experience (described in the talk), to thinking about talk as the object of study in its own right.
- The data were recorded, allowing Sacks to study the precise details of the interaction. No matter how carefully you take field notes, it is impossible to write down every detail of a conversation in real time. Coding events during observations fails to solve this problem since, again, the details are irretrievably lost. Equally, no matter when you interview someone, they could never remember precisely what was said. This loss of detail matters because there is substantial evidence that the details matter to interactants. For example, in primary care consultations, Heritage et al. (2007) have shown that one word can make a difference. They compared two question forms used to elicit patients' additional concerns (other than their main reason for the visit): ‘is there ANYthing else’ versus ‘is there SOMEthing else you want to address today?’ In response to ‘anything’, patients were no more likely to express their additional concerns (as recorded in a pre-con-sultation questionnaire) than if the question was not asked at all. In contrast, the use of ‘something’ eliminated 78% of unvoiced concerns compared with no question (odds ratio = 0.154, p = 0.001). The only difference was the change from ‘any-’ to ‘something’.
Similarly, in ordinary conversation, even a tiny pause can be consequential. For example, Levinson (1983) has shown how the silence at line 2 in Extract 1 (shown by the dot inside parentheses; see the Appendix below) is treated by R as indicating a likely rejection of his proposal (at line 1). The evidence lies in line 3: instead of waiting for C to respond, R produces another bit of talk, which conveys an expectation that C may have some difficulty with the proposal. On the basis of only a ‘micro-pause’ (line 2), R has shifted from proposing a plan (‘coming here on the way’) to offering C a candidate reason for rejecting that plan (that C will not have ‘enough time’). C endorses this at line 4.
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