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Democratic Evaluation

The term democratic evaluation (DE) refers to theoretical frameworks that conceptualize the assessment of public programs or initiatives (in education, health care, etc.) in terms of its role in and contribution to democratic politics and culture. Although many, perhaps most, theories of program evaluation include democratic elements (e.g., emphasis on stakeholder participation and evaluator responsiveness, a commitment to the empowerment, and even “liberation” of disadvantaged individuals or communities), DE goes further, explicitly linking the narrower and more immediate goals specified for any particular evaluation to an overarching goal of creating a more just and democratic society. The main task of evaluators working within such a framework involves identifying (or developing) methods of engagement, analysis, and dissemination adequate to this aspiration.

The focus of this entry is the description and appraisal of the two major democratic theories of evaluation: Barry MacDonald’s DE and Ernest House and Kenneth Howe’s deliberative democratic evaluation (DDE). The entry first discusses the conception of evaluation that these theories seek to correct or supplant. Then the basic outlines of DE and DDE are described with an eye toward their respective rationales and implications. Finally, the entry examines the reception of democratic theories within the field, including key criticisms, and concludes with a brief appraisal of their impact and ongoing relevance.

Technocratic–Managerial Evaluation

Both MacDonald and House and Howe developed their theories in response to what can be termed the technocraticmanagerial theory of program evaluation, which has shaped the field from its earliest days. This conception is technocratic in that it seeks to position evaluation as a value-neutral and apolitical activity, formally eschewing judgments about program values and goals. It is managerial in that it aligns itself with the interests and perspectives of program managers, fiscal patrons, and other parties with a vested interest.

As House argues in an influential history of professional evaluation, traditional institutions have declined in importance in modern capitalist societies. This is not to say that such institutions are necessarily less important in the lives of particular individuals and communities; rather, they have ceased to provide the generally accepted justification for social practice. This presents a challenge for modern states whose governments must appear responsive to the demands of diverse constituencies whose goals and interests often conflict. A “solution” that emerged from the mid-1960s on, most notably in the United States and the United Kingdom, seeks to ground social action in appeals to the authority of “reason” (i.e., scientific rationality) as applied to social programs.

Prior to 1965, formal program evaluation had been a marginal activity. With the passage of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, however, it became a federal mandate. This expanded role for evaluation occurred at a time of social upheaval, during which marginalized groups and their allies vigorously pressed claims for the redress of long-standing injustice, and many members of historically privileged groups mobilized to preserve the status quo. Absent a shared cultural basis for determining political priorities, policy makers promoted evaluation as a value-neutral method for determining the merit of contentious social programs, many of which involved significant public expenditures and controversial expansions of government bureaucracy.

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