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‘Subaltern studies' refers to the study of social groups excluded from dominant power structures, be these (neo)colonial, socio-economic, patriarchal, linguistic, cultural and/or racial. When people lack voice, when they are barred from systems of political or cultural representation, they are called subaltern; their subalternity is the consequence of their limited access to structures of authority. Subaltern studies investigate both these structures of authority and the consequent conditions of subordination experienced by marginalized groups.

The term subaltern has military origins, referring to a junior or subordinate officer. The Italian political philosopher and activist Antonio Gramsci made the term famous, reportedly using it as a synonym for ‘working class' or ‘proletariat’ to avert censorship of his writings by prison authorities during his lengthy incarceration. But it is the Subaltern Studies Group, made up of historians of South Asia, who have made the term central to their work, influencing not just the contemporary study of historiography but also their understanding of the politics of representation. Their work has been taken up by, and has important implications for, several fields of study, including cultural studies, post-colonialism, feminist politics and, indeed, action research. Moreover, while once dominated by South Asianist researchers (e.g. Ranajit Guha, Dipesh Chakrabarty, Partha Chatterjee, Gyan Prakash and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak), the study of subalternity is now central to the work of many Latino or Latin American post-colonial scholars (e.g. Gloria Anzaldúa, Édouard Glissant, John Beverley and Walter Mignolo).

The Difficult Task of Investigating Subalternity

Since their establishment in the 1980s, the intellectual purpose of the Subaltern Studies Group has been to ‘write history from below’: They have been critical of mainstream historiography (e.g. colonial, nationalist, Marxist), which they say has tended to represent history from the point of view of the colonizers or social and economic elites, thus discounting the agency of colonized and subaltern groups (e.g. subsistence farmers, informal-sector workers, indigenous communities, marginalized women, slum dwellers and racialized minorities). Their aim, therefore, has been to try to rectify what they see as the elitist bias of much academic research.

In the early writings of the group, edited by the historian Guha, the tendency was to valorize subaltern agency by trying to represent it as independent and autonomous of elite politics. But this task proved increasingly difficult. Partly, it was a conceptual problem, since by definition subalternity meant subordination to a dominant power, implying the impossibility of autonomy. Partly, it was an evidentiary problem, as documents written by subaltern groups (e.g. worker diaries, peasant testimonials) during colonial times proved difficult, if not impossible, to find. And partly, it was a political problem, with the discovery that so many subaltern acts of rebellion against the colonizer had failed. Many members of the group thus came to the realization that not only were subaltern attempts at political change often temporary and unsuccessful but the very project of investigating independent subaltern agency was doomed; far from ignoring or discounting elite powers, the project of retrieving the subaltern ‘voice’ could in fact only happen in relation to the dominant.

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