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In a classic experiment, a researcher randomly assigns a treatment to some subjects or units of analysis while assigning other subjects to a control or comparison group. Random assignment allows for probabilistic equivalency between the groups, permitting the researcher to assume the two groups are the same except for treatment. This in turn allows for a clear inference about the causal effect of a treatment after a comparison of results between groups.

Natural experiments and quasi-experiments attribute some causal property to an event (e.g., the introduction of a law) or an intervention of nature (e.g., a natural disaster) and then seek to demonstrate differences before and after the treatment or between the treated and the untreated. The distinction between natural and quasi-experiments generally turns on whether the intervention was a natural or a non-natural one. Other than the source of intervention, they are theoretically indistinct. Either way, the analyst has no control over assignment. Because the researcher merely observes the application of treatment, he or she most often cannot be sure that it was randomly assigned. Consequently, quasi-experiments differ fundamentally from classical experiments. Although quasi-experiments appear to be like experiments, this lack of random assignment of subjects to conditions is a fundamental difference.

Conceptual Overview and Discussion

The proper use of a quasi-experiment depends on establishing the equivalence between units. This is often achieved through the use of control variables in a multivariate regression framework, or through the use of extensive case histories. Analogous to the between- and within-subject design, some quasi-experiments will compare differences across regions or subjects. For example, one could examine the effects of smoking on community health in one state that has a smoking ban and another that does not have such a ban, provided the states are otherwise similar on key variables. By comparing community health measures, some inference could be made about the effects of smoking bans. Alternately, an analyst could compare changes over time in the same region, for example, gauging the effects of a smoking ban in an isolated community before and after a ban is introduced, as was performed by Richard Sargent, Robert Shepard, and Stanton Glantz in their study of a smoking ban in an isolated Montana town.

The difficulty of inference from quasi-experiments is clear. Unlike in the laboratory, the analyst here has to contend with endless sources of interference, lack of control, and multiple plausible explanations of observed changes. In their 1968 study of a crack-down on speeding in Connecticut, Donald T. Campbell and H. Laurence Ross provide a definitive analysis of a quasi-experiment. The fundamental credo in drawing causal inference from a quasi-experiment, they contend, is that because we lack control and randomization it becomes much more difficult to establish cause and effect, especially in the face of competing explanations. Causal inference is possible, then, only because analysts can use observations before and after the event as well as auxiliary data to establish trends, minimize noise, pick up regressions to the mean, and rule out other explanations.

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